Real Personality: Understanding Narendra Modi’s Journey And Political Style

In 1996, a psychologist named Ashish Nandy interviewed Narendra Modi for several hours. When the interview was over, Nandi was very upset. He later said that Modi showed signs of an authoritarian personality and fell in the diagnostic category of fascist. This strong statement revealed an aspect of Modi which many people might not know. Although public images are often created very thoughtfully, it is important to understand the real personality behind them.

This post is about the life and political career of Narendra Modi. It tells about his early years, his rise in RSS and BJP and his time as the Chief Minister of Gujarat. We examine his public statements, actions and how he shaped the political environment. By looking at his journey, we can better understand his true motivation and leadership style.

Early Life And Political Rise

Narendra Modi’s journey started in Vadnagar, Gujarat. He studied at Bhagavatacharya Narayanacharya School. His teachers and biographers described him as an average student. Nevertheless, he was very interested in acting in school plays. However, if he did not get the lead role, he would refuse to participate. This early habit shows a desire to get central attention.

At just 8 years old, Modi came in contact with RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh). In 1958, he became a child volunteer at Vadnagar RSS Branch. His classmate Sudhir Joshi said that after school, Modi often went straight to the RSS office. By 1972, at the age of 22, he became a publicist (full-time worker) at the RSS.

Fifteen years later, in 1987, the RSS sent him to the BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party). He soon came to be seen as a skilled organizer. His biographer Andy Marino writes that Modi played a key role in organizing the Gujarat portion of the 1990 Ram Rath Yatra. This event was important in creating the identity of BJP. In 1995, he became National Secretary of the BJP.

Years And Different Things Of Gujarat

In 2001, Narendra Modi became the Chief Minister of Gujarat. Just over a year later, large-scale riots broke out in 2002. He faced several charges related to these incidents. Although he eventually got a clean chit, the riots led to him being seen as a “communal Narendra Modi”. In this image he was shown as a staunch Hindu leader against Muslims.

However, another view sees Modi as a secular person who focuses on the development of all. Many people believe in either of these two things. Nevertheless, some of Modi’s actions and statements challenge both these views.

For example, Modi often criticizes Muslims publicly, even commenting about them enjoying certain food items during the Hindu holy months. As such, “They enjoy cooking mutton during Saavan” was a speech given by him. However, it was revealed that he had taken donations from companies exporting halal beef through electoral bonds.

Take the case of Swami Sanand, who was an environmentalist and was running a campaign to clean the river Ganga. He put forward four demands to free Ganga from pollution and wrote three letters to PM Modi. These letters reached the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), but no response was received. Swami Sananda died after a 111-day hunger strike. Then PM Modi expressed condolences on Twitter.

This raises questions about his concern for the cause of a Hindu saint.

Other situations also highlight this complexity:

Several Hindu women were victims in the Prajwal Revanna sex scandal, involving more than 2,900 women. PM Modi had asked people to vote for Revanna.
Female wrestler, who is also a Hindu, protests over sexual harassment allegations against Brij Bhushan Singh. PM Modi once said, “Any person, no matter how influential, should be forgiven if he plays with the dignity of a woman” Nevertheless, he later gave the election ticket to Singh’s son.
Farmer suicides, many of them Hindu, also question their commitment to their welfare.
These incidents show that Modi’s actions do not always match his public image, whether it is “communal” or “secular”.

The Art Of Political Flexibility And “Connection”

Narendra Modi’s political strategy often involves changing his message according to the audience and time. This leads some to call it the “two-faced” way, in which he says different things in different places.

For example, while seeking votes in Rajasthan, he said things that were considered divisive. “It means to whom will they give your wealth? Those who have more children. To intruders.” This was clearly said about Muslims. Yet, in Bihar, he declared himself an ambassador of peace, saying, “As long as I am alive, I will not let anyone divide this country in the name of religion” He also praised Islam and Prophet Muhammad, saying that the message of Islam is peace and minorities are an essential part of India. In a May 2024 interview, he claimed that he would not be fit for public life if he used Hindu-Muslim talk for politics.

This resilience extends beyond religious themes to creating “emotional engagement” with disparate groups and regions:

Sikhs: He is seen wearing a turban, especially serving langar in gurudwaras ahead of Punjab elections.
Buddha: He claimed a “strange but pleasant association” with Lord Buddha.
Bohra Muslims: “I have a longstanding relationship with the Bohra community”, he said
Christians: “My relationship with the Christian community is not new”, he affirmed. It’s an old and personal relationship.”
Aborigines: He said he has “spent an important part of his life with Aboriginal people”
State: He claimed an emotional connection with Ballia, a special relationship with Punjab, and a special relationship with China and France. He even claimed that he went to Kolkata Metro as a child, although it was opened when he was 34 years old. In Odisha and Karnataka, he promised to make each one the “No. 1 state of India”.

His party also uses the same strategy:

In Uttar Pradesh, the BJP uses the sacred cow to arouse emotions, and promises to stop the killing of cows.
In Kerala, they promise good quality beef in exchange for votes.
In Goa in 2015, Amit Shah said there were no plans to ban beef in India. These examples show a pattern of creating messages and images that appeal to certain audiences to get votes, regardless of past or future stand.

Avoidance Of Abandoned Promises And Investigations

Over the years, many promises and projects were promoted, then quietly sidelined. These include:

Gujarat model
Good days
Cleaning the Ganges River
100 smart cities
Bringing back black money
Demonetisation: Initially called a “surgical strike” against black money, it is no longer highlighted as an achievement.
Farm laws: After being described as historic for farmers, they were withdrawn. The government media called this comeback a “masterstroke”, but this topic is also avoided in the campaign.
Doubling farmers’ incomes
“We will neither commit corruption ourselves nor allow others to do it”: The slogan has now disappeared from public conversation.
Controlling inflation: What was once a major criticism against previous governments is no longer the focus of the current campaign.
Namami Ganga Project: Despite calling himself “the son of the river Ganga”, he does not seek votes based on the project.
Make in India lion: This symbol is now rarely seen on election posters.
Ideal village
Bullet train
₹1.5 million in every bank account
Skill India
Mudra Loan
Look East Policy
Millions of jobs
Women’s empowerment
Save the daughter, educate the daughter
Agniveer plan

These forgotten issues show that big announcements are made which do not translate into long-term election strategies.

Moreover, Narendra Modi has not held a single press conference in the last 10 years. He has also avoided unscripted interviews where journalists could ask difficult questions. He has not even accepted Rahul Gandhi’s challenge of open debate. This attitude of avoiding direct scrutiny makes some people think that they prefer a controlled environment rather than facing difficult questions about the work of their government.

Strengthening Power: Reward-Punishment System

An important part of Modi’s style is to reward loyalty and sideline those who challenge him. This is seen throughout the political and institutional environment.

To sideline enemies and critics

According to reports, Modi has a history of defeating his enemies:

He worked with Keshubhai Patel to get Shankar Singh Vaghela out.
Then, he used BJP’s national leadership to remove Keshubhai Patel.
When Atal Bihari Vajpayee pushed for moral rule, Modi came close to Lal Krishna Advani, but later alienated Advani as well.
In 2014, Jaswant Singh did not get an election ticket.
Murli Manohar Joshi was deported from Varanasi to Kanpur in 2014. By 2019, he was sidelined in the same manner as Advani.
Senior minister Sushma Swaraj was initially removed from six of the eight cabinet committees, which was later replaced.
Nitin Gadkari was removed from the BJP’s Parliamentary Board in 2022 after he praised both Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Jawaharlal Nehru.

This pattern shows that loyalty to Modi is everything.

Rewarding loyalty

On the other hand, people who show loyalty often move quickly:

S. Jaishankar was directly made Foreign Secretary and later made Foreign Minister, replacing Sujata Singh, who was prematurely retired.
Nirmala Sitharaman joins BJP in 2006. She became Minister of Defence in 2017 and Minister of Finance in 2019.
Smriti Irani, who once threatened an indefinite strike if Modi did not resign after the Gujarat riots, later reconciled with her. She lost the election from Amethi in 2014 but was still made HRD minister. As of 2019, she became Minister of Women and Child Development.
Ashwini Vaishnav was an IAS officer, then moved to the corporate sector. In 2019, he came to the Rajya Sabha. Just two years later, he was given three large ministries: Railways, Electronics, and IT and Communications.
Jyotiraditya Scindia left the Congress in 2020, leading to the fall of the Congress government in Madhya Pradesh. He was immediately made a Rajya Sabha MP and the very next year he became the Civil Aviation Minister.

This system also seems to be applicable to those accused of corruption. Of the 25 leaders of the other parties who had been accused of corruption and subsequently joined the BJP, 23 were reportedly acquitted of those charges.

Control over institutions and media

This reward system extends to essential institutions:

CJI Ranjan Gogoi, who presided over high political stakes cases for the government, was appointed to the Rajya Sabha four months after retirement. Senior advocate Dushyant Dave clearly called it a transaction.
Supreme Court Justice Arun Mishra openly praised PM Modi, calling him a “versatile genius”.
RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan not given second term. His successor, Urjit Patel, and Deputy Governor Viral Acharya also resigned, indicating government interference.
Election Commissioner Ashok Lavasa refused to give clean chit to Modi for hate speeches in 2019 elections. He was removed from the Election Commission a few months later. The appointment process of Election Commissioners has also been changed, with the Chief Justice of India being removed from the selection panel.
Latter entry scheme allows private sector people to be directly appointed to high bureaucratic posts like joint secretary.
Lokesh Chandra, who said Modi was “greater than Gandhi” and a “god”, was appointed head of the Indian Council for Cultural Relations.
Pahlaj Nihalani, a B-grade filmmaker who popularized the slogan “Har Har Modi, Ghar Ghar Modi”, was made chairman of CBFC (Central Board of Film Certification).
Gajendra Chauhan, known for campaigning for B-grade films and Modi, was appointed chairman of FTII Pune despite a list of more qualified filmmakers. Students protested against his appointment for 149 days.

Media is also under control. Media outlets that question the government are subject to raids, such as NDTV (before being sold), News Laundry, BBC India, and The Wire. At the same time, “godi media” (pro-government media) praises Modi, receives government advertisements, and receives exclusive interviews.

Even companies are affected. Companies that pay money to the government reportedly get business opportunities, contract approvals, or have their tax notices withdrawn. Adani, described as an “old friend”, has gained control of various sectors, from airports to coal.

Filmmakers like Vivek Agnihotri and Sudipto Sen, who make propaganda films, get free publicity and national awards from Modi. This system has spread to all organizations like BCCI (Board of Control for Cricket in India), where Amit Shah’s son Jai Shah remains the head without any special qualification, to social media, where critics are blocked by IT cells, is banned or harassed.

To further promote loyalty, National Creators Awards were instituted. While some real creators won awards, many YouTubers who praised Modi were also honoured. This increases the credibility of the faithful and brings them closer to power.

This strategy ensures that every system, from politics to education and media, is filled with loyal people who support Narendra Modi, whether he has ability or honesty.

A Leader Who Focuses On Himself And Calls For Worship

The transcript cites several examples of Modi focusing on his image and personality:

Renaming institutions: Sardar Patel Stadium renamed after Narendra Modi. Both its ends were named after his friends, Ambani and Adani.
Photograph opportunities: They have been seen posing carefully for cameras, even removing security personnel or other people from frames.
Appearing in the public: Unlike the 2005 inauguration of the Akshardham temple which saw many parties and people of many religions, the 2024 inauguration of the Ram temple featured Modi as the key figure.
Self-promotion: Government schemes, roads and hospitals are named after him (e.g., Namo Kisan Samman Diwas, Narendra Modi Medical College). His photo is printed on free food bags and COVID vaccine certificates.
Personal content: Videos of her peacock feeding, morning exercises, beach photoshoots, gym photoshoots and wild safari photoshoots are shared extensively.

Political strategist Prashant Kishor has suggested that BJP wants more than just votes. Their aim is to leave an “ideological mark” and gain “psychological clout”. They want people to worship them, and follow their orders about what to wear and what to eat.

Psychologist Ashish Nandy described Modi as having radical strictness, limited emotional life, fear of his passion and a huge ego. Nandi believed that this ego hides a deep insecurity, which makes him feel the need to control everything around him. This creates a system where rich friends and loyalists benefit, while social policies such as “divide and rule” are used to prevent the poor from resisting. If there is opposition, a dictatorial political policy is implemented.

Critics are often called “traitors” and face insults and threats. From singers like Neha Singh Rathore to journalists like Arfa Khanum Sherwani, many people have been targeted. Journalists like Raghav Trivedi of Molitics have even been attacked. The purpose of this method is to silence dissent and ensure that Modi and his loyalists remain beyond criticism.

Conclusion: Demand For Accountability

The evidence presented shows a similar pattern in Narendra Modi’s political career. From his early days in RSS to his current role, he has shown a tremendous desire for control and a strategic approach to power. His methods include building loyalty, sidelining opponents, using public messaging to suit circumstances, and promoting his image.

This approach raises important questions about India’s democracy and the health of its institutions. When critics are silenced, and loyalty becomes more important than ability, the foundation of a fair and open society is challenged. For a country to move forward, its leaders must be accountable, humble and prepared for criticism and expert advice. They should give importance to the Constitution and democratic principles above personal power.

The election of a leader affects every aspect of the country. A leader who listens, takes advice, and holds press conferences is vital to a healthy democracy. Such a leader would not call critics traitors but would welcome different views. This is necessary to protect the country’s democracy and its constitution.

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