Why Is The Indian Police More Corrupt Than The Police Of Other Countries

The Indian police reflects corruption, members of the Indian law enforcement system, the rights, legal power and systematic, deep and multi -faceted misuse of public confidence. This corruption is not just a separate event associated with some “bad people”, but a broad institutional phenomenon. It is prevalent in various levels of police hierarchy – from ground level constables to Superintendent of Police (SP), Deputy Inspector General of Inspector (DIG) and Director General of Police (DGP). The nature, intensity and frequency of corruption in the Indian police system is much more than corruption found in many other countries including both developed and developing countries.

The Indian police system reveals corruption in many forms – including small bribery, large -scale recovery, illegal custody, torture in custody, forcible confession, false FIR (first information report), protection rackets for criminals, deliberately presenting evidences and staging fake encounters. These corrupt conduct are not random, but part of an informal operating culture developed for decades. The roots of this corruption can be found under the British colonial rule, which began after the rebellion of 1857, when the British felt an immediate need to maintain even more strict internal control over the Indian population.

Historical roots of corruption in Indian police – heritage after 1857

The Indian Police Act of 1861 was implemented by the British after the first freedom struggle of 1857 (also known as constable rebellion). Its main objective was not to serve the Indian public, but to create a police force that could suppress disagreement, support colonial administrative decisions and protect British imperialist interests. The Act gave the police wide discretionary rights and also placed them under the rigorous hierarchical command, which was eventually accountable to the colonial bureaucracy. As a result, a police system was created where obedience and enforcement towards power was given priority above civil freedom and public service.

Even after India’s independence in 1947, this old colonial police structure was retained with minor changes. While countries such as Japan (after World War I), Germany (after 1945) and South Africa (after the end of apartheid in 1994) improved their police system to make it civilized, India continued to work under the old Police Act of 1861, which remains a legal structure for police functioning even today in most Indian states.

Political intervention and structural failures since 1947

After independence, the Indian political class started using the police force for biased interests. Since the 1960s, as the dominance of the regional political parties increased, the police force was often used to suppress political opponents, manipulate the election results or threaten dissidents. During the Emergency in 1975–77, under the leadership of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, the Central Government used the police across the country to arrest opposition leaders, stop protests and suppress freedom of press. The Shah Commission, formed in 1977 to investigate the excesses of the Emergency, documented several cases of police officers working under political pressure without any legal justification.

This trend of using the police as a political weapon never stopped. At the state and center level politicians affect police deployment, promotion and transfers. Offering officers of politicians often get good posting, while honest officers face harassment or suspension. In 2006, the Supreme Court of India ordered important police reforms to free the police from political control, in the historic Prakash Singh vs India Union case. These reforms included a fixed term of Director General of Police and the formation of independent police grievances authorities. However, after more than 15 years, by 2024, the implementation of these reforms in most states has deteriorated, which reflects the lack of political will to change the status quo.

Comprehensive bribery, forced recovery and exploitation of common citizens

In everyday life, Indian police often exploit common citizens. Small bribery has become common now. According to a survey conducted in 2019 by Transparency International India and LocalSarkals, about 24% of Indians have bribed the police in the last 12 months. Bribery is usually sought during traffic violations, passport verification process, complaint or accident report. In many police stations, especially in rural and semi-urban areas, an FIR is not lodged until a bribe is given or the complainant has political support.

The notorious Vyapam scam in Madhya Pradesh in the 2010s showed how the recruitment of police service was also affected by bribery and fraud. Police constable jobs were being sold, and candidates often paid ₹ 5 lakh to ₹ 15 lakh to get a post. This corrupt admission process ensures that the authorities already start their career in a indebted or compromise situation, and many people try to recover their investment in immoral ways.

Torture and human rights violations in custody – misbehavior continued for decades

Torture in custody is one of the most black aspects of the Indian police system. According to the National Anti -torture Campaign (NCAT), India died at least 1,731 custody in 2019. The 2020 case of Jayaraj and Benix in Tamil Nadu, who was brutally tortured and killed in police custody for allegedly violating the Kovid-19 curfew rules, gave rise to national outrage and rare disciplinary action. Despite such high-profile cases, most cases are not punished in most cases due to systemic punishment.

India, even after signing in 1997, has not yet approved the anti -torture United Nations Conference (UNCAT). This reflects the government’s reluctance to implement the legally binding reforms that declare misconduct in custody illegal. Although the police are present in many countries, the measure of torture, generalization and lack of accountability in India remains particularly worrying in India.

Fake encounters – culture of judicial killings

Since the 1990s, India has seen a disturbing pattern of judicial killings or “fake encounters”. In many cases, the police kill the alleged criminals without a lawsuit, and later create fabricated reports to show it self -defense. One of the most notorious examples of this is the “encounter specialist” culture in Mumbai in the early 2000s. Daya Nayak, Pradeep Sharma and other officials were appreciated by the media and politicians to kill the people of the alleged underworld, many of whom were never prosecuted.

A recent example is the 2019 Hyderabad police encounter in which four accused of rape were allegedly shot while “trying to escape”. While the public supported this action due to anger over sexual violence, human rights organizations and courts questioned the validity and authenticity of this action.

Hierarine corruption – from constable to DGP

Indian police corruption is not limited to lower levels only. At the top level, senior officials often use their positions to protect personal benefits, political alliances, or corporate or criminal interests. There have been many cases where IPS officers were arrested or investigated on charges of corruption. In 2014, former Mumbai Police Commissioner Rakesh Maria faced controversies for alleged involvement in rigging the investigation. In 2023, another former Police Commissioner, Parambir Singh, was accused of corruption for alleged relations with criminal networks and traders.

This institutional corruption is cycle – senior officials protect their loyal subordinates or share share in income, while junior officers assist seniors in the management of illegal tasks, false allegations or select law enforcement. No appropriate internal accountable structure exists to break this corrupt chain.

Failure of modernization and transparency efforts

Despite the availability of technology, digitization and reform proposals, police work in India remains unclear. Many police stations still depend on physical registers, handwritten complaints and updates of select cases. Online FIR systems, CCTV monitoring and bodycams inside police stations are either not applicable or are not working. Due to lack of transparency, evidence is not known to tamper with evidence, rigging and bribery in cases.

In contrast, countries such as South Korea, Canada or Netherlands have made most of the aspects of policing digital, which facilitates lodging complaints, monitoring investigation and giving online feedback – which reduces the chances of human contact and bribery.

Social influence and disillusionment

The systematic nature of police corruption has a profound impact on the society. It reduces confidence in law enforcement agencies, discourages crime reporting and creates fear among honest citizens. Poor people, minorities and women often suffer unevenly as they have an impact or lack of money to deal with the corrupt system. For example, in rape cases, victims are often asked abusive questions, convicted, or discouraged by registering a case without media pressure.

In addition, the delay in police reform promotes increasing vigilance, where citizens take the law into their own hands that justice will never be found through this system. This is dangerous for any democratic society.

Conclusion

Indian police corruption is not just a result of personal greed – it is a deep underlying structural problem inherited from colonial rule, which is maintained through political intervention and by institutional apathy. From the 1861 Police Act to today’s fake encounters and bribery scams, the Indian police system has opposed the change. It remains largely non-Zabade, often repressive and selectively responsible.

Compared to the countries where independent police monitoring, civil review board and strict implementation of technology have improved law enforcement, India is far behind. As long as there is no true political will, police autonomy, transparency, proper training and civil participation, corruption in the Indian police system will remain worse than many other countries.

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